Civil - Military Relations in India and Pakistan at a glance
Saturday, September 6, 2008
Military dominates politics in most of the third world courtiers. India and Pakistan were ideologically different states but shared same military heritage at the time of independence. The military in British India served as its strong shield, but avoided an active involvement in politics and largely accepted the principle of supremacy of civilian government. The Indian military retained this tradition but Pakistan reflected a major shift. The Indian army is an outstanding example of an 'apolitical and professional force, almost a bureaucratic instrument of state policy' (despite its huge size and resources). On the other hand, Pakistan's army, due to various reasons, acquired the status of the most 'formidable and autonomous political actor', determining the national policies as well as priorities.
Generally constitutions restrict military's role to its professional field only. However, in case of Pakistan, over the period of time, military has acquired a political role. Since General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, there were attempts to provide a legal or constitutional cover to the military's role in the politics and governance of Pakistan and a model of Turkish Constitution was aspired in this regard. An extended role for military was advocated on the plea that the military of Islamic Republic of Pakistan was not only responsible for the defence of territorial boundaries of the state but of its ideological frontiers as well. The proponents of this assertion argued that it's a prime duty of armed forces of Pakistan to “ensure that Pakistan's Islamic identity was protected and Pakistani society developed on Islamic lines.” (Hasan Askari Rizvi. (2000) Military, State and Society in Pakistan, New York: St.Martin's Press, p181). Thus the military sought a constitutional role in the national affairs through the establishment of National Security Council (NSC). But political forces resisted this effort. The proposal for setting up the NSC as laid down in the Revival of the Constitution Order (RCO), March 1985, was dropped when the Parliament approved the RCO in the form of the Eighth Constitutional Amendment in 1985. Recently, Legal Framework Order (LFO), August 2002 issued by the military regime again included the provision for establishment of the NSC, headed by the president; however later the Seventeenth Constitutional Amendment omitted this provision. Nevertheless, through an Act of Parliament, NSC has been established and its membership includes Services' Chiefs along with civil representation. The Council is supposed to give recommendations on internal and external security matters. The supporters of NSC argue that the same institution has also been incorporated by the Indian political system. However their argument is invalid as Indian NSC is basically a decision facilitating body to assist and advise the prime minister. It is a 'five tier' body with a six member committee headed by the prime minister at the top of the structure. At this level, the armed services are not given any representation; denying their participation in the decision making process. In addition, the Indian NSC consists of a Secretariat, Strategic Policy Group (SPG), National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) and a National Security Advisor. It was established in November, 1998, through an Executive Order and does not enjoy constitutional protection (Dr. Subash Kapila, India's National Security.
To conclude, military interference in Pakistan's politics hashad different forms, ranging from assumption of direct control and authority of the state by displacing the civilian governments (Oct 1958, March 1969, July 1977, Oct- 1999) to its manipulation of state affairs through collaboration with civil bureaucracy. The Indian military on the other hand, plays a remarkably small role in shaping of even security and defence related policies and it virtually has no role in shaping the policies outside this area. The Indian Constitution vests “the supreme command of defence forces of the Union” in the president but he is obliged to be “regulated by law” and defecto control is vested in the council of ministers led by the prime minister. Conventions established over the years ensured that “aid and advice” given by the council is authoritative and no president has ever attempted to exercise independent command over armed forces. A Sub-committee of Cabinet for Defence, now known as Political Affairs Committee, usually formulates Indian defence policies. The chiefs of armed forces are not the members but may be invited to attend the meetings. With the increase in the ministerial membership of the cabinet committee, the actual participation of Services chiefs has become more diffused as there is a tendency not to invite them even when defence matters are under consideration. Therefore, the constitutionally determined role for Indian army is quite narrow and it provides a check on attempts to politicise the military.


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